It is quite ironic. Two days ago, on March 23, the Pakistan Army celebrated Pakistan Day by demonstrating its strength and marching precisely on the parade ground, but the realities show that it is divided on a never-before-seen scale. The army has become a brutal force, with its “counter-terrorism” operations failing to distinguish even women and children from terrorists, aside from almost daily attacks on itself. That is extremely damaging to the forces that carry out such acts as well as awful for the individuals who are affected. What thus accounts for the claims of intense discontent among the lower ranks and, if accurate, demands for the resignation of the Army Chief?

A War of Blood

President Zardari gave the ceremonial speech, and the parade itself was staged with much hoopla, featuring a rather uneasy-looking Prime Minister in the lead. The Army Chief and his associates were behind him. The Army Chief was clearly in authority because the entire seating arrangement could have been switched, and no one would have objected.

Recent assaults on his soldiers, including the Jaffar express hijacking and a string of subsequent strikes in the extremely unstable Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province as well as Balochistan, have raised doubts about the Army’s waning hold. The graph is expected to continue rising this year, with reports from Pakistani think tanks already highlighting 2024 as the worst year on record in a decade for terror attacks. The Army, Frontier Corps, Levies, Constabulary, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), and Police personnel are among the 255 people who have been killed in 179 instances reported up to March 11.

In a fit of wrath, the Pakistani army followed the same pattern. It turned on the poor people, shooting at groups of people, including children, and capturing people who had peacefully protested for Baloch rights. This includes the gregarious Mehrang Baloch, who is quickly becoming a well-known leader—ironically, as a result of the army’s own actions. She has been accused of terrorism and sedition for organizing a sit-in at a university. However, resentment is rising in Balochistan. Following her arrest, protests broke out in Quetta, and hundreds of people attended the funerals of the deceased. The situation will worsen as the numbers increase.

Absence of Counter-Strategy

Surprisingly, the Pakistani army, which is possibly the most seasoned “terrorist” sponsoring army in the world, appears to have no idea how to combat terrorism within its own borders. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, it has bombed, strafed, and used artillery on its own people. Journalists were even flown to witness the devastation, as hundreds and hundreds of homes had roofs missing while some 72,000 people left the region. That was in 2016. Any reasonable person would have predicted that, in around three or four years, things would probably get considerably worse. That is the amount of time it takes for resistance groups to reorganize and for an enraged populace to turn against its oppressors.

And it did. Pakistani military can no longer move freely in many regions. Balochistan, which has been treated with colonial disdain, is no exception. However, the true drawback is that these kinds of operations against one’s own people have made the army fighting it less cohesive. In combat against a “enemy,” armies are taught and refined on “honour,” and for their bravery, they are rewarded and revered, especially by their home towns. However, there are no such advantages to fighting civilians and children, and no army man—Pakistani or Indian—will put up with this. This is the main reason the Indian army has the wisdom to fight “one hand behind its back” and has organized outreach programs like “Sadhbhavana,” which consists of a number of projects meant to help people in areas affected by insurgency. It is an operational need as well as a matter of morality.

Absent from Action

The leadership of the Pakistani army is “missing in action.” According to recent reports, the lack of a power source and even basic drinking water has left even a star project like the Gwadar deep sea port in limbo. It is not that the necessary equipment has not come from China. In addition to many other things, Federal Minister for Planning Ahsan Iqbal recently reported that 10,000 Chinese solar panels were delivered in May 2024 and another 5,000 in September as part of a grant-in-aid program. In an attempt to win over the Baloch, China, rather sensibly, also gave money for a large hospital and a desalination plant. That is not working at all. The state itself suffers from a serious power outage even though it supplies Pakistan with natural gas to support its economy.

The important thing to remember is that the Pakistani army is in charge of the Balochistan province. The security forces, in this case the X11 Corps with its two Infantry Divisions and an unspecified number of Pakistani Rangers, a paramilitary group directly under the army’s command in times of crisis, are literally necessary for everything to move. Next are the Frontier Corps’ several thousand soldiers, whose numbers have only grown in the last few months. Despite all of this, MPs claim that Balochistan is not under state control. The statement that “Pakistan’s physical frontiers might be adjusted sooner rather than later” was made on the floor of the house by more than simply Maulana Fazlur Rehman. Former Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah, a dependable government counsel, too shared the viewpoint. To put it another way, the Pakistani army, which not only conducts counterterrorism operations but also controls practically every aspect of the state, including the Strategic Investment Facilitation Council, which is the main organization tasked with “driving” investment into a state that is in decline and a $100 billion economic empire, appears to have failed at every task. The Pakistan Army’s shortcomings are demonstrated by the widespread insurgency, the deteriorating economy, and, if rumors are to be accepted, a sizable contingent of junior officers firing off a letter seeking the resignation of the Army Chief. By the way, the “secret” letter charges the Army Chief with sabotaging the organization and using it for personal gain.

Gone Are the Glory Days
Once praised for its professionalism, this army occasionally made its “enemy” envious of its unwavering discipline and high social standing. That is history. The army is now viewed as a bandit force and an oppressor (also in mind that the ISI has been charged with extorting money from companies). Most importantly, the world has taken notice of its horrific violence. The “forgotten war” that has been Balochistan over the past forty years is currently being covered by all of the major press, including the New York Times. While her countrymen are expected to receive the coveted Nelson Mandela Prize, Mehran Baloch is nominated for the Nobel Prize. The world is taking note, and not in a positive way. The irony is that throughout the years, this has only been made possible by the Pakistani army, or more specifically, its leadership. Payback time might be approaching.